{"id":2332,"date":"2015-04-21T09:50:05","date_gmt":"2015-04-21T09:50:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/turkiyebilgi.wordpress.com\/?p=672"},"modified":"2015-04-21T09:50:05","modified_gmt":"2015-04-21T09:50:05","slug":"zurcher2015","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/turkaget.am\/?p=2332","title":{"rendered":"Erik-Jan Z\u00fcrcher on the occasion of the centenary of the Armenian Genocide"},"content":{"rendered":"

\u0540\u0561\u0575\u0565\u0580\u0565\u0576 \u057f\u0565\u0584\u057d\u057f\u056b \u0570\u0561\u0574\u0561\u0580 \u057f\u0565\u055b\u057d \u0561\u0575\u057d \u0570\u0572\u0578\u0582\u0574\u0568<\/a>\u0589<\/p>\n

It is really important, when a professional historian like Dr. Zurcher<\/a> speaks as a professional on very important issues, like the Armenian Genocide and argues, that “Historians of Turkey also have something specific to offer. Now that the outlines and many of the details of the genocide have been so well established by historical research based on original documents and eye-witness accounts, there are, I think, two areas where historians of Turkey can contribute significantly to a better understanding of it, on the basis of Turkish sources. The first area is that of the causes and motives.<\/em>” His well-known book “Turkey: A Modern history” is available online<\/a> for the readers of my blog.<\/p>\n

Below is the the text in English and Turkish (translation into Turkish by Onur G\u00fcnay<\/a>).<\/p>\n

\n

A declaration to the public by our colleague Prof. Dr. Erik-Jan Z\u00fcrcher on the occasion of the centenary of the Armenian Genocide.<\/strong><\/p>\n

\"Prof.<\/a>
Prof. dr. Erik-Jan Z\u00fcrcher<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n

On the occasion of the centenary of the Armenian genocide someone like me, who sees himself as a historian of Turkey in the twentieth century, has to speak out.<\/p>\n

In the first place, there are moral and ethical reasons why this is so. Historians of the late Ottoman Empire and Turkey in the twentieth century have a special responsibility. We cannot allow a situation to continue such as I knew it when I was a student and a young university teacher in the nineteen seventies and eighties, when \u2013 in spite of the fact that outside our field the genocide had been an object of historical research for fifty years \u2013 we were barely aware of what had happened in 1915. Our textbooks only mentioned it as a footnote to history, if at all, and never defined it as a genocide. Our teachers never discussed it.<\/p>\n

I felt the effects of this clearly in my own research. In 1984 I published the book that would form the basis for my academic career. It was called The Unionist factor. The Role of the Committee of Union and Progress in the Turkish National Movement (1908-1925). The dates in the title are significant, because the most important thesis of the book was that the national resistance movement in the Ottoman Empire after World War I, out of which the Republic of Turkey emerged, was in fact the creation of the Young Turk Committee of Union and Progress that had been in power during World War I. It was also this Committee that launched Mustafa Kemal, the later Atat\u00fcrk, as a leader.<\/p>\n

The book was well received, but a friend of mine translated a review in an Armenian journal for me.<\/p>\n

<\/p>\n

That, too, was appreciative of my work, but it also voiced a criticism. According to the reviewer my story seemed to play out in an empty landscape, as if the elimination of the Armenians had not taken place. At the time my reaction was: \u201cYes, that may be true, but my book was not about that.\u201d It was only twenty years later, when I started to involve myself more with the Armenian question in the context of WATS, the Pioneering Workshop on Armenian Turkish Scholarship, that I realised that I had been wrong. Even the continuity of the political leadership between the Unionist period and the Kemalist republic, the subject of my book, cannot be studied without taking into account the fact that this leadership had been formed in the crucible of 1915-16 and that the national resistance movement that brought forth the republic was in so many ways a continuation of World War I \u2013 politically, ideologically and personally.<\/p>\n

It is not just a moral issue, however. Historians of Turkey also have something specific to offer. Now that the outlines and many of the details of the genocide have been so well established by historical research based on original documents and eye-witness accounts, there are, I think, two areas where historians of Turkey can contribute significantly to a better understanding of it, on the basis of Turkish sources. The first area is that of the causes and motives. At this point in time we have come to recognize that both longer-term developments (the popularity of social Darwinism, militarism, the issue of reforms and land disputes, mass migration of Muslim refugees) and short-term ones (the Ottoman loss of the Balkan War, the outbreak of World War I, the Ottoman defeat at Sar\u0131kam\u0131\u015f, the British landings at Gallipoli and the rebellion at Van) played a role.<\/p>\n

Looking for causes and motives is important because it helps us better to understand what happened. It does not affect the issue of genocide. What is important for the definition of genocide is intent, the intent to destroy an ethnic or religious group wholly or in part. The motive behind this intent is not relevant, that is why the denialist argument that what happened in 1915 cannot be genocide because the Armenians formed a threat is nonsense, even if this contention were founded in fact.<\/p>\n

The other issue is the way in which modern Turkey, as it emerged after World War I was shaped by the Armenian genocide. I have looked at the personal and ideological continuities between the Committee of Union and Progress and the Kemalist republic, which are considerable. But the issues that now require attention (and increasingly are also getting it, in Turkey as well) are the transfer (or theft) of Armenian property and the conversion of Ottoman Armenians. The first, together with the more regulated takeover of Greek properties, laid the basis for the emergence of a Turkish bourgeoisie during the republic. The conversion to Islam of large numbers of Armenians during World War I means that many Turks today have some Armenian roots. Rediscovering these roots has become popular among progressive Turks in recent years. In other words: the Republic of Turkey not only carries the legacy that it was founded and ruled to a considerable extent by people who had been involved in the genocide, it also carries a material and a personal legacy of the Armenians themselves.<\/p>\n

I am happy to say that not only in the world of Turkish studies in general, but also among Turkish historians in Turkey the number of those who are genuinely interested in finding the truth and discussing it openly, is increasing constantly. Both the ground breaking conference at Bilgi University in 2005 and the demonstrations following the murder of Hrant Dink in 2007 have been milestones.<\/p>\n

This new openness is a hopeful sign that reconciliation between Turks and Armenians is a possibility. That reconciliation cannot be built on denial, that is obvious, but it also cannot be built on compromise. Compromise is a politician\u2019s tool and it serves to solve current issues, but it has nothing to do with an enquiry into historical truth. People cannot be slightly murdered. Nor can reconciliation be built on the notion, heavily promoted by the current Turkish government, that all those who suffered in the horrible years of World War I in Turkey should be commemorated together. Many more Germans died in World War II than Jews (although some of the Germans were Jews and some of the Jews Germans) but Chancellor Merkel would not dream of claiming that these should be remembered equally as victims of their time and circumstances.<\/p>\n

Acceptance of the historical truth will take time, even though the circle of Turkish historians actively promoting it is increasing. Younger generations of Turks (which means the vast majority of them as this is a young country), having been exposed to nationalist state rhetoric in school, during military service and in the media, are genuinely convinced that the story of the genocide is a lie. Unlike the first generation of the republic they no longer consciously deny a truth they know only too well. That makes the task of re-educating the Turkish public and opening up the debate huge. But the door has been opened and it cannot be closed. Among Kurdish intellectuals, too, we see a completely new readiness to discuss the events of 1915 with an open mind. A broader realisation in Turkey and beyond that genocide is a personal crime, in other words: that persons can be accused and convicted of genocide, but not nations or states, might also make the discussion easier. The current Turkish state and society can rightfully be accused of denying the genocide, but not of the crime itself. Its perpetrators are long dead.<\/p>\n

Recognition is important not just for the Armenians, but also for Turkey itself. As Taner Ak\u00e7am has argued long ago, the genocide needs to be faced if Turkey is to develop into a more relaxed, more democratic, more humanist society. It can act as a catalyst to remove the blanket of narrow and increasingly religiously tainted nationalism that lies over this society. So, let us hope that the centenary is the opening of a new page in the story of facing the historical truth, in the interest of Turks as well as Armenians.<\/p>\n

Erik-Jan Z\u00fcrcher Professor of Turkish Studies, Leiden University Affiliate professor of Turkish studies, Stockholm University<\/p>\n

Turkish text<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131 vesilesiyle kendisini benim gibi 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l T\u00fcrkiye tarih\u00e7isi olarak g\u00f6ren birisinin konu\u015fmas\u0131 gerekir.<\/p>\n

\u00d6ncelikle, bunun etik ve ahl\u00e2ki sebepleri var. Ge\u00e7 d\u00f6nem Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu ve T\u00fcrkiye tarih\u00e7ilerinin \u00f6zel bir sorumluluklar\u0131 var. \u00d6\u011frenci ve daha sonras\u0131nda gen\u00e7 bir \u00fcniversite hocas\u0131 oldu\u011fum 1970\u2019ler ve 80\u2019lerdeki gibi 1915\u2019te ne oldu\u011funu neredeyse hi\u00e7 bilmedi\u011fimiz bir durumun s\u00fcrmesine izin veremeyiz \u2013 kald\u0131 ki soyk\u0131r\u0131m bizim akademik alan\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda yakla\u015f\u0131k elli y\u0131ld\u0131r bir tarihsel ara\u015ft\u0131rma konusudur. Bizim ders kitaplar\u0131m\u0131z e\u011fer bahsi a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131rsa, sadece tarihe bir dipnot olarak bahsederler 1915\u2019ten, ve asla onu bir soyk\u0131r\u0131m olarak tan\u0131mlamazlar. Bizim hocalar\u0131m\u0131z bunu asla tart\u0131\u015fmazlar.<\/span><\/p>\n

Ben bunun etkilerini kendi ara\u015ft\u0131rmamda net bir \u015fekilde hissettim. 1984\u2019te, daha sonralar\u0131 akademik kariyerimin temelini olu\u015fturacak olan kitab\u0131 yay\u0131nlad\u0131m. Kitab\u0131n ismi <\/span>Milli M\u00fccadelede \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k (1908-1925) <\/i>idi. Kitab\u0131n ismindeki tarihler \u00f6nemli zira kitab\u0131n en \u00f6nemli tezi Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019ndaki milli m\u00fccadele hareketinin, ki sonras\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti buradan ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar, asl\u0131nda Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 boyunca iktidarda olan J\u00f6n T\u00fcrk \u0130ttihat ve Terakki F\u0131rkas\u0131n\u0131n eseri oldu\u011fudur. Zaten \u2013 daha sonra Atat\u00fcrk olacak olan- Mustafa Kemal\u2019i de bir lider h\u00e2line getirenler onlard\u0131r. Kitap genel olarak iyi kar\u015f\u0131lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131, ancak bir arkada\u015f\u0131m bir Ermeni dergisinde yay\u0131nlanan bir de\u011ferlendirme yaz\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 benim i\u00e7in terc\u00fcme etmi\u015fti. Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n yazar\u0131 da kitab\u0131 be\u011fenmi\u015fti ancak \u00f6nemli bir ele\u015ftiriyi de dile getiriyordu. Ele\u015ftiren ki\u015fiye g\u00f6re benim anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131m hik\u00e2ye adeta bo\u015f bir co\u011frafyada ger\u00e7ekle\u015fiyor ve sanki Ermenilerin yok edilmesi hi\u00e7 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmiyordu. O zamanki tepkim \u015fuydu: \u201cEvet, bu hakl\u0131 bir ele\u015ftiri olabilir, ancak benim kitab\u0131m bunun hakk\u0131nda de\u011fil.\u201d Bundan sadece yirmi y\u0131l sonra, Ermeni meselesiyle daha fazla ilgilenmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131m bir d\u00f6nemde, Ermeni T\u00fcrk \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131yla ilgili \u00f6nc\u00fc bir at\u00f6lye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda (WATS: Workshop on Armenian Turkish Scholarship<\/i>), yan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131 fark ettim.<\/span><\/p>\n

Kitab\u0131m\u0131n konusu olan \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131 d\u00f6nem ve Kemalist cumhuriyet aras\u0131nda siyasi liderli\u011fin s\u00fcreklili\u011fi dahi, bu liderli\u011fin 1915-16\u2019n\u0131n zorlu s\u0131nav\u0131nda olu\u015fturuldu\u011funu ve cumhuriyeti ortaya \u00e7\u0131karan milli m\u00fccadele hareketinin \u2013politik, ideolojik ve ki\u015fisel- bir\u00e7ok y\u00f6nden Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bir devam\u0131 oldu\u011funu hesaba katmadan \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lamaz. <\/span><\/p>\n

Ancak bu sadece ahl\u00e2ki bir mesele de\u011fil. T\u00fcrkiye tarih\u00e7ilerinin ortaya koyabilece\u011fi \u00f6zel bir \u015fey var. \u015eimdi, Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n tasla\u011f\u0131 ve bir\u00e7ok detay\u0131 orijinal belgeler ve tan\u0131kl\u0131klara dayanan tarihsel ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar ile bu kadar iyi bir \u015fekilde ortaya konulmu\u015fken bence T\u00fcrkiye tarih\u00e7ileri iki alanda Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n daha iyi anla\u015f\u0131labilmesi i\u00e7in T\u00fcrk kaynaklar\u0131 temelinde ciddi bir katk\u0131 sunabilirler. \u0130lk alan, nedenler ve gerek\u00e7elerle ilgilidir. Bu noktada hem daha uzun vadeli geli\u015fmelerin (sosyal Darwinizmin pop\u00fclerli\u011fi, militarizm, reformlar ve toprak ihtilaflar\u0131 meselesi, M\u00fcsl\u00fcman g\u00f6\u00e7menlerin toplu g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc) hem de k\u0131sa vadeli geli\u015fmelerin (Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Balkan sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131 kaybetmesi, Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n patlak vermesi, Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Sar\u0131kam\u0131\u015f\u2019taki yenilgisi, \u0130ngilizlerin Gelibolu\u2019da karaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ve Van\u2019daki isyan) rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlamam\u0131z gerekir.<\/span><\/p>\n

Nedenler ve gerek\u00e7elere odaklanmak \u00f6nemlidir zira ne oldu\u011funu daha iyi kavramam\u0131z\u0131 sa\u011flayacakt\u0131r. Ancak soyk\u0131r\u0131m meselesini etkilemez. Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n tan\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli olan niyettir, bir etnik ya da dini grubun t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc ya da bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 yok etme niyeti. Bu niyetin ard\u0131ndaki nedenler soyk\u0131r\u0131m meselesi s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda \u00f6nemli de\u011fildir. Bu sebeptendir ki, bu itirazlar olguya dayansa dahi Ermeniler bir tehdit olu\u015fturdu\u011fu i\u00e7in 1915\u2019te olan\u0131n soyk\u0131r\u0131m olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia eden ink\u00e2rc\u0131 arg\u00fcman aptalcad\u0131r. <\/span><\/p>\n

\u00d6teki mesele Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan modern T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Ermeni Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131yla \u015fekilleni\u015fidir. Ben \u0130ttihat ve Terakki F\u0131rkas\u0131 ile Kemalist cumhuriyet aras\u0131ndaki ki\u015fisel ve ideolojik s\u00fcrekliliklere bakt\u0131m, ve bunlar \u00f6nemlidir. Ancak \u015fimdi dikkat gerektiren meseleler (ki bunlar gerek T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de gerek yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131nda gitgide daha fazla \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r) Ermeni mallar\u0131n\u0131n transferi (gasp\u0131) ve Osmanl\u0131 Ermenilerinin M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ermeni mallar\u0131, daha da kontroll\u00fc ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen Rum mallar\u0131n\u0131n devriyle beraber, cumhuriyet d\u00f6neminde bir T\u00fcrk burjuvazisinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n temelini olu\u015fturdu. Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 boyunca \u00e7ok say\u0131da Ermeni\u2019nin zorla M\u00fcsl\u00fcmanla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 olgusu bug\u00fcn \u00e7ok say\u0131da T\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn Ermeni k\u00f6kleri oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmektedir. Bu k\u00f6kleri yeniden ke\u015ffetmek son y\u0131llarda yenilik\u00e7i T\u00fcrkler aras\u0131nda bir hayli pop\u00fcler oldu. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti bu miras\u0131 sadece \u2013\u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde- soyk\u0131r\u0131mda yer alan insanlar taraf\u0131ndan kurulmas\u0131 ve y\u00f6netilmesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan de\u011fil, Ermenilerin kendilerinin ki\u015fisel ve materyal miraslar\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/span><\/p>\n

\u015eunu s\u00f6ylemekten mutluluk duyuyorum: Sadece T\u00fcrkiye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 alan\u0131nda de\u011fil, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki tarih\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda da samimi bir \u015fekilde hakikati bulmak ve onu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a tart\u0131\u015fmak isteyenlerin say\u0131s\u0131 h\u0131zla artmaktad\u0131r. 2005\u2019te Bilgi \u00dcniversitesi\u2019ndeki \u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131r a\u00e7an <\/span>konferans ve 2007\u2019de Hrant Dink\u2019in \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesinden sonraki g\u00f6steriler \u00f6nemli d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktalar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/span><\/p>\n

Bu yeni a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k T\u00fcrkler ve Ermeniler aras\u0131ndaki bir uzla\u015fman\u0131n ihtimal dahilinde oldu\u011funun umut dolu bir i\u015faretidir. Bu uzla\u015fma ink\u00e2r \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilemez, bu \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k. Ancak uzla\u015fma taviz \u00fczerine de in\u015fa edilemez. Taviz bir siyaset\u00e7i arac\u0131d\u0131r ve g\u00fcndelik meselelerin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne yard\u0131mc\u0131 olur, ancak tarihsel bir hakikatin soru\u015fturulmas\u0131yla ilgili bir katk\u0131s\u0131 olamaz. \u0130nsanlar az\u0131c\u0131k<\/i> katledilmezler. Ya da uzla\u015f\u0131, mevcut T\u00fcrk h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin tertipledi\u011fi gibi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131nda ac\u0131 \u00e7eken herkes i\u00e7in toplu anma kavram\u0131 \u00fczerine de in\u015fa edilemez. \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019nda \u00f6len Almanlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 \u00f6len Yahudilerin say\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha fazlad\u0131r (her ne kadar baz\u0131 Almanlar Yahudi, baz\u0131 Yahudiler<\/span>\u00a0Alman olsa da). Ancak Alman ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Merkel Almanlar\u0131 ve Yahudileri kendi zamanlar\u0131n\u0131n ve ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n e\u015fit kurbanlar\u0131 olarak hat\u0131rlanmalar\u0131 gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6ylemeyi hayal bile edemez.<\/p>\n

Bunu savunan T\u00fcrk tarih\u00e7ilerin say\u0131s\u0131 h\u0131zla artsa da, tarihsel hakikatin kabul\u00fc zaman alacakt\u0131r. T\u00fcrklerin gen\u00e7 nesilleri (ki gen\u00e7 n\u00fcfuslu bu \u00fclkenin ciddi bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu gen\u00e7tir) okulda, askeri hizmet s\u0131ras\u0131nda ve medya arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla milliyet\u00e7i devlet retori\u011fine maruz kald\u0131lar, ve soyk\u0131r\u0131m hik\u00e2yesinin bir yalan oldu\u011funa samimi bir \u015fekilde ikna edildiler. Cumhuriyetinin ilk neslinin aksine art\u0131k kendilerinin \u00e7ok iyi bildi\u011fi bir hakikati bilin\u00e7li bir \u015fekilde ink\u00e2r etme durumu yok. Bu da T\u00fcrkiye kamuoyunu yeniden e\u011fitme ve tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 daha geni\u015f kesimlere a\u00e7ma sorumlulu\u011funu getiriyor. Ancak kap\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131 ve art\u0131k geri kapatmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil. K\u00fcrt entelekt\u00fcelleri aras\u0131nda da, 1915\u2019te ya\u015fananlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k bir zihinle tart\u0131\u015fmaya y\u00f6nelik yepyeni bir haz\u0131r olu\u015f h\u00e2li g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. T\u00fcrkiye ve d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki \u00f6nemli bir fark\u0131ndal\u0131k da soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n ki\u015fisel bir su\u00e7 oldu\u011fudur. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, insanlar soyk\u0131r\u0131mla ilgili su\u00e7lanabilir ve mahkum edilebilir, ancak milletler ya da devletler de\u011fil. Bu da tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131rabilir. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrk devleti ve toplumu soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 ink\u00e2r ettikleri i\u00e7in hakl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde su\u00e7lanabilir, ancak su\u00e7un kendisinden \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc de\u011fil. Su\u00e7un failleri uzun bir zaman \u00f6nce \u00f6ld\u00fc.<\/span><\/p>\n

Soyk\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 tan\u0131ma sadece Ermeniler i\u00e7in de\u011fil, T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in de \u00f6nemlidir. Taner Ak\u00e7am\u2019\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00f6nceden s\u00f6yledi\u011fi gibi, e\u011fer T\u00fcrkiye daha demokratik, rahat ve h\u00fcmanist bir \u00fclke olmak istiyorsa soyk\u0131r\u0131mla y\u00fczle\u015fmek zorundad\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczle\u015fme ayn\u0131 zamanda bu toplumun \u00fczerinde giderek daha \u00e7ok dine bula\u015fan son derece s\u0131\u011f bir milliyet\u00e7ilik \u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131nda da bir kataliz\u00f6r g\u00f6revi g\u00f6rebilir. Umal\u0131m ki y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l tarihsel hakikatle y\u00fczle\u015filmesi hik\u00e2yesinde T\u00fcrklerin ve Ermenilerin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na yeni bir sayfan\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131na vesile olur.<\/span><\/p>\n

Erik Jan Z\u00fcrcher<\/p>\n

1977-97 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda Nijmegen \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 1989-99 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda Amsterdam\u2019daki Uluslararas\u0131 Sosyal Tarih Ensitit\u00fcs\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc y\u00f6netti. 1993-97 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda Amsterdam \u00dcniversitesi\u2019nde T\u00fcrkiye Tarihi k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnde g\u00f6rev ald\u0131. 1997 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren Leiden \u00dcniversitesi T\u00fcrkiye \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya ba\u015flayan Z\u00fcrcher, Stockholm \u00dcniversitesi dahil pek \u00e7ok \u00fcniversitede misafir \u00f6\u011fretim \u00fcyeli\u011fi yapt\u0131. Ge\u00e7 Osmanl\u0131 ve Erken Cumhuriyet d\u00f6nemi \u00fczerine uzmanla\u015fan Z\u00fcrcher\u2019in eserleri \u015funlard\u0131r: The Unionist Factor 1905-1926<\/i>, E.J. Brill, 1983 (Milli M\u00fccadelede \u0130ttihat\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k<\/i>, Ba\u011flam Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1987; \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 3. bask\u0131, 2003), The Progresivve Party<\/i> 1924-1925, E.J. Brill, 1991 (Terakkiperver Cumhuriyet F\u0131rkas\u0131<\/i>, Ba\u011flam Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1992), Turkey, A Modern History<\/i>, I.B. Tauris, 1993 (Modernle\u015fen T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Tarihi<\/i>, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1995), Mete Tun\u00e7ay ile birlikte derledikleri Socialism and Nationalism in the Ottoman Empire<\/i> 1876-1923<\/i>, I.B. Tauris, 1994 (Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nda Sosyalizm ve Milliyet\u00e7ilik 1876-1923<\/i>, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1995), Donald Quataert ile birlikte derledikleri Workers and the Working Class in the Ottoman Empire and the Turkish Republic 1839-1950<\/i>, I.B. Tauris, 1995 (Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan Cumhuriyet T\u00fcrkiyesi\u2019ne \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler 1839-1950<\/i>, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1998) ve Willem van Schendel ile derledikleri Identity Politics in Central Asia and the Muslim World; Nationalism, Ethnicity and Labour in the Twentieth Century<\/i>, I.B. Tauris, 2001 (Orta Asya ve \u0130slam D\u00fcnyas\u0131nda Kimlik Politikalar\u0131; 20. Y\u00fczy\u0131lda Milliyet\u00e7ilik, Etnisite ve Emek<\/i>, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2004)
\n<\/span><\/p>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u0540\u0561\u0575\u0565\u0580\u0565\u0576 \u057f\u0565\u0584\u057d\u057f\u056b \u0570\u0561\u0574\u0561\u0580 \u057f\u0565\u055b\u057d \u0561\u0575\u057d \u0570\u0572\u0578\u0582\u0574\u0568\u0589 It is really important, when a professional historian like Dr. Zurcher speaks as a professional on very important issues, like the Armenian Genocide and argues, that “Historians of Turkey also have something specific to offer. Now that the outlines and many of the details of the genocide have been […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":673,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[128,129,48,61],"class_list":["post-2332","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-uncategorized","tag-academia","tag-armenian-genocide","tag-zurcher","tag-61"],"yoast_head":"\nErik-Jan Z\u00fcrcher on the occasion of the centenary of the Armenian Genocide - \u0539\u0575\u0578\u0582\u0580\u0584\u0561\u0563\u0565\u057f \u054e\u0561\u0580\u0578\u0582\u056a\u0561\u0576 \u0533\u0565\u0572\u0561\u0574\u0575\u0561\u0576<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/turkaget.am\/?p=2332\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"hy_AM\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Erik-Jan Z\u00fcrcher on the occasion of the centenary of the Armenian Genocide - \u0539\u0575\u0578\u0582\u0580\u0584\u0561\u0563\u0565\u057f \u054e\u0561\u0580\u0578\u0582\u056a\u0561\u0576 \u0533\u0565\u0572\u0561\u0574\u0575\u0561\u0576\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"\u0540\u0561\u0575\u0565\u0580\u0565\u0576 \u057f\u0565\u0584\u057d\u057f\u056b \u0570\u0561\u0574\u0561\u0580 \u057f\u0565\u055b\u057d \u0561\u0575\u057d \u0570\u0572\u0578\u0582\u0574\u0568\u0589 It is really important, when a professional historian like Dr. Zurcher speaks as a professional on very important issues, like the Armenian Genocide and argues, that “Historians of Turkey also have something specific to offer. 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